新疆，它佔去了六分之一的中國領土。換個說法，它的面積相當於三個法國，六個半英國；甚至新疆的一個縣——若羌，面積也接近六個臺灣，十個科威特。新疆，一旦進入某種場合，就從一個地名變成包含很多難題和對抗歷史。何謂「新疆」？顧名思義，「新的疆土」。但是對維吾爾人而言，那片土地是他們的家園，是祖先世世代代生活的土地！只有對佔領者才是「新的疆土」。維吾爾人不願意聽到這個地名，那是帝國擴張的宣示，是殖民者的炫耀，同時是當地民族屈辱與不幸的見證。近年來，「新疆問題」在某種程度上超過「西藏問題」，成為北京當局最頭疼的民族問題。所謂「新疆問題」，核心所在就是「東土耳其斯坦」的獨立運動。九一一之後，中共當局以反恐名義全力鎮壓該獨立運動，導致整個維吾爾自治區更為緊張的對立局勢。 Show 一九九九年，這本書寫作的起點。那時王力雄剛出版《天葬──西藏的命運》。再寫一本新疆問題的《天葬》是他最初的想法。不過當局以「竊取國家機密文件」的指控，讓他鋃鐺入獄。不過這個牢獄之災也成了他理解新疆的一個轉捩點，在今日中國，能讓維吾爾人接納漢人的地方，大概只有關押政治犯的監獄。那次入獄給他的最大收穫就是結識了同是政治犯的為維吾爾人穆合塔爾。這本書正是因為有了他，才有了現在的角度——不再居高臨下，而是置身其中；不再用外人眼光，而是站到了維吾爾人中間。 作者簡介 王力雄 【中國最敢言的作家」──《黃禍》、《天葬》、《遞進民主》作者】 一九五三年生。曾以「保密」為名，出版了震驚海內外的長篇政治寓言小說《黃禍》，引起全球媒體的追蹤報導。該書曾入選為「二十世紀中文小說一百強」(《亞洲週刊》)。其他著作還包括：《天葬：西藏的命運》(「漢人所寫關於西藏的著作中最客觀公平也是最好的一本書」)、《溶解權力──逐層遞選制》(作者自認分量超過《黃禍》、《天葬》二書的加總)、《遞進民主》則是他針對中國未來的政治前途，所勾勒的一個理想藍圖。 透视中国：“我的西域，你的东土”
2013年10月30日  图像加注文字， 海外维吾尔社区领袖说，东突厥斯坦，意即突厥人的土地。 周一发生在北京天安门广场的致命车撞事件再次令新疆的民族矛盾受到关注。新疆的民族隔阂如多年前王力雄在《我的西域，你的东土》中所描述的那样复杂而令人困惑。 10.28事件被中国官方定性为“一起经过严密策划,有组织、有预谋的暴力恐怖袭击案件”。另外从姓名判断，在事发现场死亡的三人和被抓获涉案的5名嫌疑人都是维族。因此新疆的民族矛盾和维吾尔人的民族诉求再次成为受关注话题。 据中国官方报道，“28日12时许,乌斯曼·艾山及其妻子母亲等3人驾车闯入长安街便道故意冲撞游人群众后,撞向金水桥护栏,点燃车内汽油致车辆起火燃烧,三人当场死亡”，“5名在逃涉案人员全部抓获。案件仍在审查中。” 世界维吾尔大会主席热比娅在华盛顿发表声明，称担心中国政府将捏造事实，并利用天安门撞车事件为借口加强镇压新疆维族人民。热比娅还担心镇压会引起维族人的反抗。早先接受BBC中文网采访的北美地区维吾尔人社区领袖认为，在中国的民族歧视政策下，维吾尔人的暴力抗议会越来越多，其他被边缘化的民族，诸如西藏和蒙古族的激烈反抗也会越来越多。 突厥人的土地？上周在加拿大多伦多召开的第六届全球支援中国和亚洲民主化论坛会议上，加拿大维吾尔协会主席马西莫夫接受BBC中文网采访时首先否认新疆的叫法，说那应该是东突厥斯坦，意即突厥人的土地。 他说新疆的问题是，汉族人口大量涌入，汉族人口比例由以前的4%已经增加到了45%，维吾尔人在当地被边缘化。他认为中共当局只代表汉族人的利益，对于维吾尔人来说，自决是唯一的选择，因为目前新疆实现的民族自治走不通。 不过新疆地区多民族的现实，也就是并非所有的非汉民族都属于突厥语民族，甚至有许多新疆少数民族可能并不热衷于在新疆建立维吾尔民族国家的前景，马西莫夫对此一语带过，说非突厥语民族诸如蒙古族也是和维吾尔人有关系的民族。 民族隔阂在美国和加拿大维吾尔社区领袖强调维吾尔民族自决的时候，有在加拿大的新疆问题专家佛利西斯在会上提出，新疆需要民族间的理解和和解，新疆民族问题解决不能全依赖政治方案。 说流利汉语和维吾尔语的佛利西斯博士说，即使从政治角度寻求解决新疆问题，也要面对当地的人口的现实情况。不同民族的人是否对解决方案做好了准备？新疆的不同民族是否彼此有足够的了解，他们能在一起生活吗？ 他认为新疆不同民族之间缺乏了解，彼此之间的歧见很深，当务之急是促进民族间的沟通。汉族和维族对新疆问题的不同理解，犹如两个平行世界，彼此不愿意相互倾听。他举例说，汉族人称新疆为西域，自古以来属于中国，而维吾尔人则认为新疆是自己的祖居地。 多年前中国作家王力雄在《我的西域，你的东土》也表达过类似的担忧。但马西莫夫说，中共当局对维吾尔人提出的对话建议置之不理，中共只是汉族利益的代表，他们是新疆问题的始作俑者，要承担主要的责任。 独立困境在原则上，马西莫夫认为新疆自决的前途是民主选举产生政府，由当地人投票决定，新政府包容不同的民族。他认为加拿大联邦模式值得借鉴。但是佛利西斯博士认为，加拿大模式很复杂，还牵扯到所谓“第一民族”的问题，即被欧洲殖民者边缘化的北美原著民问题。 中国民间学者杨子利是回族，他在接受BBC中文网采访时说，无论从民族角度还是人道主义角度，他都认为当局不应该打压维吾尔人的民族信仰。但是他并不赞同海外维吾尔社区领袖表达的独立立场。 杨子利认为，维吾尔人在其聚居集中地区独立，经济上并不可行。而且独立的政治单位如果包括汉人口集中的乌鲁木齐等大城市，又如何解决汉族移民？即便说汉族大批移民新疆是错误的，难道新的维吾尔人国家要驱赶他们吗？ 如果在共产党统治下在新疆建立了民主自由的新政治单位，崇尚人权高于主权的原则，杨子利说，那么维吾尔人独立，或继续留在一个民主中华的联邦当中并没有什么区别。不过令杨子利感到担忧的是，海外维吾尔社区领袖的言论并没有体现人权高于主权的观点。 读者反馈公元七世紀，天山南北麓綠洲國都信奉佛教或摩尼教，甚至部份是基督教的分支景教，所以東土耳其斯坦何來？ 蒙古大帝國橫跨歐亞，至少到十四世紀仍是藏傳佛教的信徒，就算從鄂圖曼土耳其帝國、蒙兀兒王朝起算，都是十三世紀以後的事，所謂的東土耳其斯坦何來？ 至於帖木兒汗於1405年死於河中未過今中亞，那來說突厥語的東土耳其斯坦？ 疆獨是一件事，歷史是一件事，你可以說想成立東土耳其斯坦，但別創造一個歷史上不存在的名詞。<br><strong>戴珍珠, 台灣</strong><br/> 这是为数不多的理性公正的好文章<br><strong>孔东辉, </strong><br/> “孟光，Hong Kong”着实孤陋寡闻，张骞通西域的时候维吾尔族还没形成呢；“新疆”之名得于清朝乾隆时期。自己历史没学好，还说“新疆由來都是維族人而非漢人的祖居地”，还说中共“断然”，岂不可笑。 <br><strong>MrZhZh, 北京</strong><br/> @孟光多读点历史，汉人在新疆种地的时候， 维族的祖宗还在蒙古草原放羊呢。比汉人早到新疆的全灭绝了，所以新疆自古以来是汉人的土地； 新疆是“十字路口”，自古就是各民族混居之地。目前所知而言，最早进入今新疆的居民中，比较确信的是前2000年左右时东迁的一支印欧人，和西迁的当时的甘青文化。更早的居民即便有也很少。那之后，新疆来来去去的有汉人、诸突厥民系（比如突厥诸部、回鹘人等）、蒙古人等等，还有后迁入的锡伯族等等。杂居情况一直保持。总的来说，北疆以游牧民族为主，南疆以绿洲农业民族为主。如果还分出东疆的话，则与中原常有政治和文化上的联系。<br><strong>孟光同学, </strong><br/> 漢人稱新疆為西域，漢武帝通西域的史實中學時代已耳熟能詳。西域乃指中土以西的地域，漢武帝之所以要通，源於此地不通，以打通之名行擴張版圖之實，此一新疆域，稱之為新疆自當名實相符。於此可見，新疆由來都是維族人而非漢人的祖居地，是維族繁衍生活的天地，中共斷然指此地自古以來屬於中國，單就這個『古』字就存在霎時間有理說不清的爭議。講到底道理還是站在維族人那邊的，只不過在強權下，話語權操在管治者的手上，維吾爾人難以張聲罷了。身為統治者的中共，本應拿出同理心，憑著愛以王道去經營此一地區，實情卻恰恰相反，一路走來以王者自居，怎不跟原居此地的維族結仇結怨？怎不引發『我的西域，你的東土』這種極度深沉的忿嘆？ <strong>孟光, Hong Kong</strong><br/>
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Apr 19, 2012 Daniel rated it it was amazing Wang Lixiong provides a realistic and unbiased view of current
socio-economic and inter-ethnic problems in Xinjiang. He describes a dangerous situation of ethnic groups leading lives increasingly separated from each other and with ever less mutual understanding, trust and sympathy for each other and actually an increasing conflict potential. Chinese authorities have banned the book but I hope that politicians will still read it. The Xinjiang problem Wang sees basically refers to a potential confl The Xinjiang problem Wang sees basically refers to a potential
conflict between the Han Chinese or the Chinese state on the one hand and the local people, especially the Uyghurs on the other hand. There is a basic distrust of the other on both sides and even hatred of the Han on the Uyghur side. The Han Chinese are described to behave and be seen by local people as colonizers. They are dominant in economic activities and administration. The Han are the main beneficiaries of the policies to open up and develop the west of China. This policy is actually meant
to appease the local minorities by giving them higher living standards. However, the central government seems to fail to understand that the basic problem is not an economic one, but a political one. The system, policies and demographic trends (Han immigration) seem to put the local people in an increasingly disadvantaged position. With adequate channels and rights to address these problems, distrust and hatred gradually builds up in the minority communities.. and might sooner or later
explode. Wang was arrested while researching for this book. He describes the whole experience in the book. The arrest was probably triggered by his obtaining a 'secret' document for his research, but the actual reason was never revealed to him. Wang became desperate when he found out that the interrogators were trying to make him blame or ‘sell’ other people. Unable to deal with the pressure and the prospect of bringing others in trouble, he decided to commit suicide. His attempt failed and after leaving hospital, he was brought to a state prison, where he met Mokhtar, an Uyghur intellectual. Ironically, although he was apparently imprisoned for his research of the XJ problem, his time in the prison enabled him to get a much better understanding of this problem. The chapter "Conversations with Mokhtar" Wang gives the reader an Uyghur perspective of the XJ problem. The chapter (similar to the first chapter but in a more detailed and more worrying way) describes the basic distrust and hatred between the local people and the Han Chinese. Mokhtar makes a case for an independent East Turkestan and argues that the majority of Uyghurs want independence – either for political/historic or for religious reasons. He is generally optimistic that independence is achievable, although it may come at a considerable cost of human life. He does not totally reject a middle way, but wants a very high level of autonomy (even including passport controls) that would not be acceptable for the Beijing government. He says that Uyghurs are waiting for an opportunity, such as a tumultous democratisation process, to demand independence. He thinks that China would not be able to prevent a secession of East Turkestan in this situation, Wang disagrees with this, arguing that XJ’s Han Chinese would be able and willing to fend off any such attempt even without help from inner China, given their economic power and paramilitary organisations. The last chapter consists of letter to Mokhtar, explaining Wang’s position on the Xinjiang problem. Interestingly, he does not think that an independent East Turkestan would be beneficial even to the Uyghurs. He argues that given the ethnic fragmentation of Xinjiang, it would be difficult to govern as an independent state, making it unlikely that the Uyghurs would be in a position dominant enough to rule to country without being challenged by the Han Chinese in East Turkestan or the various other minorities. Kazakhs or Mongol might in turn demand independence from East Turkestan. The Han Chinese might still dominate the cities and the economy. He is also concerned that the election of local rulers in a democratic system as Mokhtar favours it would result in polarisation between different ethnic groups. As a result of these concerns, Wang seems to favour a solution within China. ...more
Jun 25, 2021 Jack Chu rated it it was amazing The corruption of the authoritarian regime is so serious. If everyone pay one extra penny, the corresponding officials can embezzle tens of millions.
Jan 01, 2022 蔡 偉傑 rated it liked it 《我的西域，你的東土》可說是王力雄研究新疆問題的代表作。其實這本書已經出版了一段時間，只是之前一直沒有機會入手。這次趁著今年暑假回臺灣的機會，在政大巨流書城連同《天葬》一併購入。
2002年時去了一趟新疆，當時曾經對疆獨這個課題感到興趣。不過後來考慮到田調的困難以及潛在的風險，所以後來放棄了這個念頭。不過對於維吾爾族的興趣並沒有因此而減退。 王力雄這本書受到許多廣大讀者的推崇。目前的中文相關研究中，這本書的確是不可多得的著作。作者在獄中結識了維族朋友穆合塔爾。使得他有機會接觸到其他的維族朋友。這讓我聯想到Clifford Geertz在爪哇島上研究鬥雞時，在警察取締時與當地人一同逃跑後，他才被當地人所接受的經歷。這種共同受難的經歷，似乎普遍存在於外來者如何進入地方脈絡的過程中。這大概跟自己當兵時和同袍的革命情感類似吧。 另外，他認為民族問題並不是透過民主就可以解決的。特別是在今日的中國與新疆，維漢對立事實上是中共宣傳的自我應驗預言（self-fulfilling prophecy）。即使未來中國能夠民主化，現況可能不會更好，反而還會惡化。因為上臺的執政黨為了利用民族主義號召群眾支持，恐怕沒 王力雄這本書受到許多廣大讀者的推崇。目前的中文相關研究中，這本書的確是不可多得的著作。作者在獄中結識了維族朋友穆合塔爾。使得他有機會接觸到其他的維族朋友。這讓我聯想到Clifford Geertz在爪哇島上研究鬥雞時，在警察取締時與當地人一同逃跑後，他才被當地人所接受的經歷。這種共同受難的經歷，似乎普遍存在於外來者如何進入地方脈絡的過程中。這大概跟自己當兵時和同袍的革命情感類似吧。 另外，他認為民族問題並不是透過民主就可以解決的。特別是在今日的中國與新疆，維漢對立事實上是中共宣傳的自我應驗預言（self-fulfilling
prophecy）。即使未來中國能夠民主化，現況可能不會更好，反而還會惡化。因為上臺的執政黨為了利用民族主義號召群眾支持，恐怕沒有太多空間允許新疆的維吾爾族高度自治甚至獨立。另外在與Gardner Bovington教授的討論中，我和他有同樣的憂慮，即中國的崛起以及其帶給中國政府與漢族高漲的自信心，恐怕不利於對現有路線的檢討與反思。 比較可惜的是，由於王力雄不懂維語，使得他在走訪新疆的過程中，無法了解維族朋友之間的維語對話。因而他對維族的了解，絕大部分是來自於他與少數擅長中文的維族朋友之間的中文對話。這對於他的取材來源不能不說是一個很大的限制。這也再次提醒自己研究語言的重要性。 另外，Gardner Bovington教授的博士論文《維吾爾人：故土上的陌生人》（The Uyghurs: Strangers in Their Own Land）即將於今年8月17日出版。目前已在Amazon網站預購，等到入手拜讀之後，也許再另外寫一篇感想吧。 Aug 10, 2010
Jun 22, 2020 Renjia Huang rated it really liked it The book mainly consists of the writer’s personal experience traveling in the region. Lot of anecdotal accounts. The overall narrative of the boon didn’t take the systematic and academic approach, as the writer had lost his access to any files after his untimely arrest. It’s a good attempt by a Han writer to explore life and problem in the region. Unfortunately and understandably he could only get the voice from the Uighur side through the man he befriended in the jail. The book was written arou The book mainly consists of the writer’s personal experience traveling in the region. Lot of anecdotal accounts. The overall narrative of the boon didn’t take the systematic and academic approach, as the writer had lost his access to any files after his untimely arrest. It’s a good attempt by a Han writer to explore life and problem in the region. Unfortunately and understandably he could only get the voice from the Uighur side through the man he befriended in the jail. The book was written around the time of September 11th terrorist attack, when the world had started to adopt a more skeptical view on Islam and terrorism. Much has changed, and much hasn’t been changed since the release of the book, I wish there’s an updated version of this book to include more recent events. ...more
Sep 01, 2018 健康 刘 rated it really liked it travel journal like peter hessler's observation
Aug 19, 2022 Ryo rated it really liked it
没有去过新疆，感谢作者和作者那位无所不谈的维族朋友，提供了一个汉族站在维族视角所撰写的新疆介绍。
Mar 04, 2014 Keren Zhu rated it really liked it having read what happened in Kunming, I read and book. Meant to mark it as read on douban-- the Chinese version of goodreads, but realized that this penetrating book about ethnicity, state, and boundary and the rarely heard voice of the constructed 'Other', which was long banned in Mainland China, is not in record. What a shame. Deeply touched by the author's courage and integrity. having read what happened in Kunming, I read and book. Meant to mark it as read on douban-- the Chinese version of goodreads, but realized that this penetrating book about ethnicity, state, and boundary and the rarely heard voice of the constructed 'Other', which was long banned in Mainland China, is not in record. What a shame. Deeply touched by the author's courage and integrity. ...more
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